Sometimes finding the right balance is relatively easy. We all agree, for instance, that society has a right to constrain individual freedom when it threatens to do harm to others. The First Amendment doesn't give you the right to yell "fire"in a crowded theater; your right to practice your religion does not encompass human sacrifice. Likewise, we all agree that there must be limits to the state's power to control our behavior, even if it's for our own good. Not many Americans would feel comfortable with the government monitoring what we eat, no matter how many deaths and how much of our medical spending may be due to rising rates of obesity.
有時(shí)候?qū)ふ仪‘?dāng)?shù)钠胶庀鄬?duì)容易些。例如當(dāng)個(gè)人自由可能危害他人時(shí),我們都認(rèn)同社會(huì)有權(quán)對(duì)其限制。憲法第一修正案沒有賦予你在人頭攢動(dòng)的劇院里大叫“著火了”的權(quán)利;你有信奉宗教的權(quán)利,但不包括人的犧牲。同樣,我們都贊同,國(guó)家控制我們行為的權(quán)力不能無度,哪怕是出于良好的愿望。很多美國(guó)人對(duì)政府監(jiān)視我們的飲食感到不滿,不管高肥胖率會(huì)導(dǎo)致多少人死亡和給我們帶來多少醫(yī)療費(fèi)用。
More often, though, finding the right balance between our competing values is difficult. Tensions arise not because we have steered a wrong course, but simply because we live in a complex and contradictory world. I firmly believe, for example, that since 9/11, we have played fast and loose with constitutional principles in the fight against terrorism. But I acknowledge that even the wisest president and most prudent Congress would struggle to balance the critical demands of our collective security against the equally compelling need to uphold civil liberties. I believe our economic policies pay too little attention to the displacement of manufacturing workers and the destruction of manufacturir towns. But I cannot wish away the sometimes competing demands of economic security and competitiveness.
然而,在矛盾的價(jià)值觀之間尋找恰當(dāng)?shù)钠胶馔ǔ2⒉蝗菀住>o張局勢(shì)的出現(xiàn)不是因?yàn)槲覀冏吡艘粭l錯(cuò)誤的路,而僅是因?yàn)槲覀兩钤谝粋€(gè)復(fù)雜而矛盾的世界里。例如,我深信,自從“9·11”事件以來,我們?cè)诜纯侄窢?zhēng)中對(duì)憲法原則時(shí)松時(shí)緊,變化無常。但我承認(rèn),即使是最英明的總統(tǒng)和最審慎的國(guó)會(huì)也會(huì)在我們對(duì)集體安全的必然要求和同樣重要的對(duì)公民自由權(quán)的擁護(hù)之間艱難地尋找平衡。我認(rèn)為,我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)政策極少關(guān)心產(chǎn)業(yè)工人的無家可歸和產(chǎn)業(yè)城鎮(zhèn)的破壞。但我不能憑我的主觀愿望將有時(shí)出現(xiàn)的經(jīng)濟(jì)安全和競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的需求一筆勾銷。
Unfortunately, too often in our national debates we don't even get to the point where we weigh these difficult choices. Instead, we either exaggerate the degree to which policies we don't like impinge on our most sacred values, or play dumb when our own preferred policies conflict with important countervailing values. Conservatives, for instance, tend to bristle when it comes to government interference in the marketplace or their right to bear arms. Yet many of these same conservatives show little to no concern when it comes to government wiretapping without a warrant or government attempts to control people's sexual practices. Conversely, it's easy to get most liberals riled up about government encroachments on freedom of the press or a woman's reproductive freedoms. But if you have a conversation with these same liberals about the potential costs of regulation to a small-business owner, you will often draw a blank stare.
不幸的是,我們?cè)谌珖?guó)性辯論中談到這些艱難選擇時(shí)常常不能切中要害。我們要么夸大我們討厭的政策損害最神圣價(jià)值觀的程度,要么對(duì)我們心儀的政策與一些相對(duì)立的重要價(jià)值產(chǎn)生沖突充耳不聞。例如,當(dāng)政府干預(yù)市場(chǎng)或者質(zhì)疑擁有武器權(quán)利時(shí),保守主義者往往會(huì)怒發(fā)沖冠。然而恰恰就是這批保守主義者,他們大多數(shù)在遇到政府未經(jīng)許可搭線竊聽或者試圖控制人的性行為時(shí),采取了聽之任之的態(tài)度。相反,多半自由主義者會(huì)因?yàn)檎畬?duì)出版自由或者婦女生育自由的侵犯而發(fā)火;但是如果你再與這批自由主義者探討管理一名小商戶可能的成本時(shí),你得到的是木然的凝視。