評論
打印
Mr Trump is also wilfully divisive.
特朗普還故意制造分裂。
All politicians attack their opponents, but presidents see it as their duty to unite the country after a tragedy.
政客們都攻擊對手，但總統本應在悲劇之后將團結國家視為己任。
Only Mr Trump would think the Tree of Life synagogue shooting a chance to hit back at the media and the Democrats for criticising him.
只有特朗普這位總統會認為猶太教堂“生命之樹”槍擊案是反擊批評他的媒體和民主黨的機會。
Only he would suggest that, rather than tone down his explosive rhetoric, he might just “tone it up”.
只有他會認為，相比緩和爆炸性言論，他可能只會“加強語氣”。
Such divisiveness matters because, when your opponents are simply bad people, the compromise that is the foundation of all healthy politics becomes hard within parties and almost impossible between them.
這種分裂影響很大，因為當認為對手是壞人時，妥協——所有健康政治的基礎，在政黨內部很難達成，而不同政黨間更是天方夜譚。
Mr Trump is not the only politician to wallow in division—just the most powerful and one of the most accomplished.
特朗普并不是唯一沉溺于分裂的政客——只是最有權勢最有成就的。
Before he was elected, more than half of Democrats told pollsters that they were afraid of Republicans and almost half of Republicans said the same about Democrats.
在他當選之前，超過半數民主黨人對民調機構說他們害怕共和黨，幾乎半數共和黨人也說他們害怕民主黨。
After a Republican congressman was shot by an unstable gunman last summer, leading Democrats expressed “outrage” at the idea that their rhetoric had played any part.
去年夏天，一名共和黨國會議員被一名激進的持槍分子開槍擊中，隨后，民主黨領導人就對“是因為民主黨的花言巧語起了作用”的這種說法表達了憤怒之情。
Yet they used the attempted bombings and the synagogue shooting to begin a debate about the precise degree of presidential responsibility for domestic terrorism.
但是民主黨利用未遂炸彈案以及猶太教堂槍擊案，引發了一場關于總統對國內恐怖主義應負多少責任的辯論。
America’s democracy is robust—it was designed to be.
美國的民主是強大的——創建之始意圖如此。
However, one by one, its institutions are being infected with toxic polarisation.
然而，相關機構相繼都被有毒的兩極分化感染了。
Congress caught the bug in the 1990s, when Newt Gingrich was Speaker.
20世紀90年代，紐特·金瑞奇時任議長，國會發現了這一問題。
The media have also fallen victim to partisan scepticism—certainly among audiences, if not also among contributors.
媒體也成了黨派間互相猜忌的受害者——要么是媒體人，要么是觀眾。
Just 11% of strong Trump supporters believe the mainstream media, whereas 91% of them trust Mr Trump, a CBS News poll found in the summer.
哥倫比亞廣播新聞今年夏天的一項民調發現，在特朗普的堅定支持者中，只有11%相信主流媒體，而91%相信特朗普。
Among Democrats those beliefs tend to be reversed.
在民主黨中，則恰恰相反。
Now the Supreme Court is perceived to be partisan, too.
現在，最高法院也被認為卷入了黨派之爭。
Democrats see the recent confirmation of Brett Kavanaugh to the court as the ramming through of a partisan who has lied, possibly about a sexual assault, and who will be incapable of putting the law above his party.
近期布雷特·卡瓦諾宣誓就職最高法院，民主黨將其視為一個強行通過的共和黨人士，認為卡瓦諾可能在性侵問題上撒謊、且將法律凌駕于其政黨之上。
Republicans, by contrast, see it as a triumph over a monstrous Democratic conspiracy to keep a decent man down.
相反，共和黨把它看作是意圖壓制正派人的大陰謀的粉碎。
A dishonest executive, conniving with a fawning legislature and empowered by a partisan judiciary: were it to come to that, America truly would be in grave trouble.
一位不誠實的總統，和一個奉承討好的立法機構共謀，由一位共和黨法官授權：如果到了那種地步，美國真的會陷入嚴重的麻煩。
譯文由可可原創，僅供學習交流使用，未經許可請勿轉載。
