Self-Rule: A Cultural History of American Democracy
自治：美國民主的文化史
精彩點評
The 1930s put an end to all that democracy
by establishing a national elite
working together with local middle class elites.
The national elite were not so much
one of money as of values.
Wiebe sees this compromise between national
and local elites as born of the necessity of the 1930s.
The national government determined the shape of policy
and the local elites were allowed how to put it in place.
Choices were presented as not being about competing values
but about the rationality of policies.
Such things should be left to the experts, the technocrat.
講解
逐句對照
The 1930s put an end to all that democracy
by establishing a national elite
working together with local middle class elites.
The national elite were not so much
one of money as of values.
Wiebe sees this compromise between national
and local elites as born of the necessity of the 1930s.
The national government determined the shape of policy
and the local elites were allowed how to put it in place.
Choices were presented as not being about competing values
but about the rationality of policies.
Such things should be left to the experts, the technocrat.
music
This particular compromise worked until the 1960s.
Previously marginalized groups
(African-Americans, women, Native Americans, etc.)
began to assert their rights on the streets,
through the courts or through Congress.
When the national elite institutions like the Warren Court
began to challenge the local elites over their control
over their own communities
then the war of values began again.
講解
逐句對照
This particular compromise worked until the 1960s.
Previously marginalized groups
(African-Americans, women, Native Americans, etc.)
began to assert their rights on the streets,
through the courts or through Congress.
When the national elite institutions like the Warren Court
began to challenge the local elites over their control
over their own communities
then the war of values began again.
music
This is where Wiebe leaves us.
I cannot overstate how much more insightful his presentation
of the argument is than my summation.
I have rarely marked up a book
as much as I have marked up this one.
His arguments and insights cut across the political spectrum
and are fueled by a faith in our ability
to decide our own fate as a collective and as individuals.
He does not feel that we have to be more educated,
more rational, less religious or more serious.
Wiebe wants us to simply show up,
act and demand control over our lives.
講解
逐句對照
This is where Wiebe leaves us.
I cannot overstate how much more insightful his presentation
of the argument is than my summation.
I have rarely marked up a book
as much as I have marked up this one.
His arguments and insights cut across the political spectrum
and are fueled by a faith in our ability
to decide our own fate as a collective and as individuals.
He does not feel that we have to be more educated,
more rational, less religious or more serious.
Wiebe wants us to simply show up,
act and demand control over our lives.
music
His solutions can be summed up
in the idea of diffusing decision making.
I have serious doubts
about how easy he makes some of this sound.
But I cannot express how refreshing is Wiebe's attitude
and faith in us.
This book deserves the widest possible audience
and discussion.
講解
逐句對照
His solutions can be summed up
in the idea of diffusing decision making.
I have serious doubts
about how easy he makes some of this sound.
But I cannot express how refreshing is Wiebe's attitude
and faith in us.
This book deserves the widest possible audience
and discussion.
原音重現
The 1930s put an end to all that democracy
by establishing a national elite
working together with local middle class elites.
The national elite were not so much
one of money as of values.
Wiebe sees this compromise between national
and local elites as born of the necessity of the 1930s.
The national government determined the shape of policy
and the local elites were allowed how to put it in place.
Choices were presented as not being about competing values
but about the rationality of policies.
Such things should be left to the experts, the technocrat.
This particular compromise worked until the 1960s.
Previously marginalized groups
(African-Americans, women, Native Americans, etc.)
began to assert their rights on the streets,
through the courts or through Congress.
When the national elite institutions like the Warren Court
began to challenge the local elites over their control
over their own communities
then the war of values began again.
This is where Wiebe leaves us.
I cannot overstate how much more insightful his presentation
of the argument is than my summation.
I have rarely marked up a book
as much as I have marked up this one.
His arguments and insights cut across the political spectrum
and are fueled by a faith in our ability
to decide our own fate as a collective and as individuals.
He does not feel that we have to be more educated,
more rational, less religious or more serious.
Wiebe wants us to simply show up,
act and demand control over our lives.
His solutions can be summed up
in the idea of diffusing decision making.
I have serious doubts
about how easy he makes some of this sound.
But I cannot express how refreshing is Wiebe's attitude
and faith in us.
This book deserves the widest possible audience
and discussion.